Η Καθολική Εκκλησία απαγορεύει τη μετάληψη σε πολιτικούς που ψήφισαν υπέρ των αμβλώσεων

Φυσικά, όλοι ξέρουμε ή θα έπρεπε να ξέρουμε, τελοσπάντων, ότι αυτά τα πράγματα δεν αφορούν μόνο το ...αν θα κοινωνήσουν καθολικούς πολιτικούς στις εκκλησίες τους αλλά κρατικές πολιτικές, lobying και πίεση προς συγκεκριμένες κατευθύνσεις, πολιτικές νοσοκομείων και άλλων institutions, αλλά και στάση που κρατείται από (πιστεύον) ιατρικό και νοσηλευτικό προσωπικό. Ειδικώς όταν το "ρολόι τρέχει αντίστροφα" για την έγκυο, ειδικώς όταν το άτομο δεν έχει άνεση επιλογών ή μετακίνησης ή χρημάτων, ειδικώς όταν το χρονικό διάστημα, κατά το οποίο η έκτρωση μπορεί να είναι νόμιμη, μειούται με κρατικούς νόμους, ειδικώς όταν οι λίστες αναμονής αυξάνονται, ειδικώς όταν υπάρχει, τελικώς, απαγόρευση της επιλεκτικής έκτρωσης ΕΝΝΟΕΙΤΑΙ ΠΩΣ ΜΙΛΑΜΕ εκβιαστικές καταστάσεις και μάλιστα στυγερές. ------May 19, 2010"Nun Excommunicated For Allowing Abortion"Sister Margaret McBride was excommunicated after allowing an abortion to be performed on a woman who doctors say would otherwise have died.Last November, a 27-year-old woman was admitted to St. Joseph's Hospital and Medical Center in Phoenix. She was 11 weeks pregnant with her fifth child, and she was gravely ill. According to a hospital document, she had "right heart failure," and her doctors told her that if she continued with the pregnancy, her risk of mortality was "close to 100 percent."The patient, who was too ill to be moved to the operating room much less another hospital, agreed to an abortion. But there was a complication: She was at a Catholic hospital."They were in quite a dilemma," says Lisa Sowle Cahill, who teaches Catholic theology at Boston College. "There was no good way out of it. The official church position would mandate that the correct solution would be to let both the mother and the child die. I think in the practical situation that would be a very hard choice to make."But the hospital felt it could proceed because of an exception -- called Directive 47 in the U.S. Catholic Church's ethical guidelines for health care providers -- that allows, in some circumstance, procedures that could kill the fetus to save the mother. Sister Margaret McBride, who was an administrator at the hospital as well as its liaison to the diocese, gave her approvalThe woman survived. When Bishop Thomas J. Olmsted heard about the abortion, he declared that McBride was automatically excommunicated -- the most serious penalty the church can levy."She consented in the murder of an unborn child," says the Rev. John Ehrich, the medical ethics director for the Diocese of Phoenix. "There are some situations where the mother may in fact die along with her child. But -- and this is the Catholic perspective -- you can't do evil to bring about good. The end does not justify the means."(...)https://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=126985072Οπότε είχαμε μία γυναίκα 11 εβδομάδων έγκυο, μητέρα 4 ήδη παιδιών, που εισηχθη ευσπεσμένα σε νοσοκομείο (που τύγχανε "καθολικό") λόγω σοβαρής πνευμονικής υπέρτασης. Όλοι οι γιατροί θεώρησαν πως αν συνεχιζόταν η εγκυμοσύνη οι πιθανότητες να πεθάνει ήταν συντριπτικές. Οπότε το συμβούλιο του νοσοκομείου, βάζοντας τα πράγματα κάτω, αποφάσισε να επιτρέψει έκτρωση... Τι σου λέει εδώ η Εκκλησια; Ότι προτιμά να το "ρισκάρει", ότι προτιμά να πεθάνει γυναίκα (βασικά και οι δύο τους), ότι προτιμά να αφήσει τα 4 παιδιά της ορφανά. Προτιμά να αφήσει το θέμα στο ...όπως εξελιχθεί....η ηθική της τυχαιότητας, του παραλόγου, της βλακείας, του μαζοχισμού.+"Manila’s Abortion Ban Is Killing Women"Roughly 1,000 women in the Philippines die every year from lack of safe terminations. Others go to jail.Several U.S. states including Alabama, Georgia, and Missouri have recently passed draconian abortion laws. In Alabama, the new rules effectively ban abortion unless the life of the mother or the fetus is at risk and make no exceptions for rape or incest. The law has drawn damning comparisons to countries such as Bangladesh and Romania.But the most relevant example may be a country whose religious and political history is closely tied to the United States. In the Philippines, a former U.S. colony, abortion has been banned entirely for over a century. Philippine law mandates prison terms of up to six years for people who have abortions and for anyone who assists in the procedure. Arrests and convictions of women and abortion providers are commonly reported in local media, and United Nations committees repeatedly note that the abortion ban disproportionately harms socioeconomically disadvantaged women and members of other vulnerable groups. In practice, abortion is allowed in cases where the pregnant person’s life is at risk, but no law explicitly states this.Opposition to abortion in the United States is principally driven by the religious right, in a rare alliance between evangelical Protestants and the Catholic Church. Kay Ivey, the governor of Alabama and a Southern Baptist, proclaimed that “every life is a sacred gift from God” as she signed her state’s law on May 15. In the Philippines, where over 90 percent of the population identifies as Christian, proposals to change abortion laws are consistently opposed by the highly influential Catholic Church. President Rodrigo Duterte often finds himself at odds with the church—he has called bishops “sons of bitches” and in February said the Catholic Church would “disappear” in 25 years—but he is on record as saying he hates abortion.Catholicism’s impact on sexual life and health goes beyond just abortion, including its opposition to contraception. While Duterte has expressed support for expanded family planning initiatives—although he’s also told Filipinos not to use condoms as “they don’t feel good”—nationwide access to reproductive health services remains severely limited. Public health advocates pinpoint this as a key reason new HIV cases in the country surged by over 3,000 percent between 2007 and 2017.The Philippines is also the only country in the world that does not allow divorce. A bill that would make divorce legal passed the country’s House of Representatives last year, but it has stalled in the Senate. Filipinos who want to end their marriages must get an annulment that deems their marriage to have never been valid in the eyes of the church—a long, painful, and expensive process that’s out of reach for most people, heavily biased in favor of men, and highly dependent on church connections. That keeps women, in particular, trapped in abusive marriages — and helps erode any sense of sexual independence.These measures have caused huge pain for ordinary Filipinos. The new U.S. laws have inspired a long look into America’s past, before Roe v. Wade established the right to abortion in 1973, when women seeking abortions often relied on dangerous self-induction methods or turned to underground abortion providers. Scholars estimate up to 25 percent of pregnancies in the United States ended in abortion during that time—that number was 19 percent in 2014.The Philippine abortion ban has likewise not stopped the practice, it’s just made it far more dangerous for those who choose to end their pregnancies. About 600,000 Filipino women get abortions every year, and many turn to unlicensed doctors, use folk medicine, or attempt to self-induce. It is estimated that as many as 100,000 women are hospitalized annually due to abortion complications, and about 1,000 women die each year after getting abortions, according to the Guttmacher Institute, a think tank which supports expanded access to abortion and reproductive health.Those seeking abortions in the Philippines face not only imprisonment but also “the constant danger of death” as free and accessible services are out of reach, said Tinay Palabay, the secretary-general of the rights group alliance Karapatan and a co-convener of the women’s human rights association Tanggol Bayi. “Information and knowledge on availing safe abortions is largely not available,” she said. “In the most slim instance that these are available, facilities for safe abortions are very few.”Some trained doctors in the Philippines secretly offer safe abortions in clinics, risking their careers out of their belief that women should have the right to ensure their own well-being. But these clandestine procedures are cost-prohibitive (...)Αύτα τα φρικτά και απαίσια είναι δείγματα πολιτικών θεοκρατικής κυριαρχίας.

Το Κομμουνιστικό Κόμμα Ελλάδος δεν έκανε δεκτούς στην Ολομέλειά του μέλη του που δεν πιστεύουν στην ταξική συνείδηση.(Σ.σ. κάθε κλειστό κλαμπ έχει δικαίωμα να θέτει κανόνες σύμφωνα με τους οποίους δέχεται ή οχι μελη)